Dance, as a universal form of expression, transcends mere entertainment; it is a medium for cultural preservation, expression of everyday life, collective identity, and resistance against oppression. In times of crisis, dance has often emerged as a counter-narrative to assimilation, serving as a form of defiance against cultural erasure. Greek folk dances exemplify this phenomenon, embodying the resilience of communities under foreign domination. However, dance has also been used to oppress minorities. This essay will explore examples of Greek folk dances drawing comparisons with other traditional dances around the world and their historical significance in preserving identity amidst invasions and cultural suppression. The essay will also look at examples where dance was used to promote nationalism and oppress the people in order to understand how this seemingly contradictory statement is actually sound. ​

 

Greek folk dances played a critical role in sustaining cultural identity and national pride during the 15th and 19th centuries, when the country was under Ottoman rule. The preservation and evolution of these dances became a means of fostering Greek national identity during a time where its expression was not permitted by the foreign ruler. A significant example is that of Souliotisses, the women of Souli who committed a mass suicide in 1803, together with their children. In particular, the Souliotisses danced and sang as they leapt to death to avoid submission to foreign rule, enslavement and rape. To this day the women of Souli are commemorated through this dance and the following song:

 

Έχε γεια καημένε κόσμε,
έχε γεια γλυκιά ζωή
Και ‘συ δύστυχη πατρίδα
έχε γεια παντοτινή.

 

Έχετε γεια βρυσούλες
λόγγοι, βουνά, ραχούλες
Έχετε γεια βρυσούλες
και σεις Σουλιωτοπούλες

 

Στη στεριά δε ζει το ψάρι
ούτ’ ανθός στην αμμουδιά
Κι οι Σουλιώτισσες δεν ζούνε
δίχως την ελευθεριά.

 

Έχετε γεια βρυσούλες
λόγγοι, βουνά, ραχούλες
Έχετε γεια βρυσούλες
και σεις Σουλιωτοπούλες

 

Farewell, sorrowful world,
farewell, sweet life
And you misfortunate homeland
farewell forever.

 

Farewell springs,
forests, mountains, ridges
Farewell springs,
and you, girls of Souli

 

On dry land the fish does not live
nor a flower blossom in the sand
And the women of Souli do not live
without freedom.

 

Farewell springs,
forests, mountains, ridges
Farewell springs,
and you, girls of Soulios

​

In addition to the dance of Zalongo, the Cretan Pentozali, was also used as a symbol of resistance against the Ottoman rule, in a different geographic region of Greece, Crete. This dance originated during the revolt of 1770, known as the fifth uprising against the oppressors. Its choreography incorporates symbolic elements, such as the "fifth step" which symbolizes the 5th attempt for revolution and the twelve “koumparoi”, which refer to the twelve leaders of the rebellion. The dance’s structure reflects solidarity and a collective commitment to liberation, as evidenced by the tradition of dancers linking arms to symbolize unity. Historical accounts suggest that Daskalogiannis, a leader of the Cretan revolt, wrote this song to prepare and organize for the revolution. This is why even today, the Pentozali is considered a revolutionary dance.

 

Lastly, another Greek traditional dance that was used as counter-domination is said to be Boules, a dance of Naoussa. While its roots date back to ancient times, the dance played a significant role when the region was under Ottoman Occupation. In particular,  when the Turkish would forcibly recruit children for their Christian military unit and if the families resisted, they would be killed. This is why the people dressed in the Armatolitiki costume and went around the city dancing and singing, fooling the Turks that it was a tribute or celebration in order to gather food, funds, and guns for the rebels in the mountains.

 

Greece has not been the only country in which folk and traditional dances were used as a tool to express the need for freedom and to resist. A significant example is that of Pantsula, a South African dance style that emerged around 1950s-1960s, during the apartheid era. Pantsula, a dance with intricate and energetic footwork, adopted elements from American and South African dances, such as gumboot, a dance that was created by people who “were forced to go work in the mines, they created a language with their bodies and their boots, rhythms and songs which evoke hope as much as labor.” In addition to resistance from the apartheid, pantsula included other social commentary, such as spreading awareness about AIDS. Hence, Pantsula became a means for communication and expression; a form of storytelling, activism, and social critique.

 

In addition to Pantsula, Capoeira is another form of traditional dance that emerged as a form of resistance. In particular, Capoeira’s origins are traced to the Bantu Angolan martial art N’golo that used to combine dance and fighting and was performed in a circle. Today, the discipline is associated with Brazilian culture as it was further developed by enslaved Africans, including Angolans, sent to Brazil. The style also received influences from indigenous Brazilian cultures and mixed people. Capoeira technique involves many different moves that aim to distract and confuse the opponent in order to attack them when least expected.  Its creation was not only a result of the need to express but also to preserve culture, sustain community through gatherings and develop intricate martial art techniques that allowed slaves to protect themselves. Capoeira was performed by enslaved people in gatherings that the police called “bands”. These “bands” fought for political and public control in the city and were perceived as paramilitary organizations able to question the status quo, threatening social order. 

 

As Mello (2002, p. 32), suggests: 

“It is important to note that Capoeira was created both as an instrument of physical resistance and as a cultural resistance movement, as well as from the need of the blacks to rebuild their identity as human beings. According to Schwarcz (1997), the blacks had to reinvent their own existence in order to adapt to their new reality. In this sense, Capoeira fighting became a manifestation of resistance where their symbolic and motor universe was laden with elements of their African ancestral culture, e.g. religion, music, movements, customs, etc. However, these elements were not presented in an original manner, but rather were readapted to the new imposed social contingency”.

 

This influence of Capoeira is further highlighted in the post-abolitionist era in Brazil, as the dance was criminalized under the Penal Code of 1890.  Hence, this showcases the power this dance had to be used not only as a means for protection and self-defence but also as a symbol of respect to the identities of its creators. 

 

Apart from a means of storytelling, communication, and resistance, dance has also been a form of unification after significant historical events such as the fall of the Berlin wall or the end of apartheid. In particular, in 1989 East and West Germany youth gathered together after the fall of the Berlin Wall to party to techno music. Abandoned buildings became appropriated and used as dance spaces, allowing for the creation of sub-culture spaces. As a result, people were able to connect on the dance floor, expressing themselves freely and creatively. This was a social cohesion that Germany struggles to reproduce in everyday life even today .

 

But if dance has historically been a symbol of unification, and revolution, how can it be also linked to nationalism? How can authoritarian regimes use dance as a political element of “brainwashing”? The answer lies within the use of dance as we have already discussed it as a means of identity construction. Identity construction can be used either way; whether it is for unifying against a common enemy or brainwashing the masses to sustain an authoritarian regime. Brainwashing involves not only spreading misinformation and propaganda to control the people but also forcing active participation in order to convince and control the masses. Dance becomes not merely a performance; it requires participation in the celebration. This idea is highlighted by Rhigos who talked about the Metaxa dictatorship that took place from 1936-1941 (195).

 

"But the regime did not stop there; it desired the public to be not only an audience, but also a participant in the performance that was rehearsed and put on, even though it might only be followed willingly by the well-known lauders of Metaxas’ course towards the Third Hellenic Civilisation."

 

As a result, the Metaxa regime attempted to incorporate cultural elements and events that promoted “Greekness” and national identity. This included parades, festivals, holidays where folk music and dances played a central role. In this way, folk music and dances –specifically, syrtos, kalamatianos, tsamikos, and pentozali–  became a way for the Metaxa regime to promote nationalistic agendas and ethnic superiority through “traditional forms of popular expression”, a technique also used by Hitler.

 

In addition to the Metaxa dictatorship, dance played a significant role also during Greece’s military junta (1967-1974) as traditional dances were used as tools for connecting with the state ideology. The regime mandated the teaching of folk dances in schools and military institutions, framing them as symbols of national unity and obedience. Similar situations have been observed in various regimes, including Nazi Germany, Franco’s Spain, the former Soviet Union, Marcos-era Philippines, China, Trujillo’s Dominican Republic, Argentina, Atatürk’s Turkey, and Pahlavi-era Iran, among others, where dictators actively promoted folk and vernacular dances, often emphasizing their ethnic identity. While these states differ significantly, their strategic use of folk and vernacular dance for political purposes was consistent in all the different regimes. 

 

So what does this say about the meaning and power of dance in the field of ethnochoreology? Dance serves as a medium for resistance, identity preservation, and collective memory. At the same time, it also can be used to promote nationalism or ethnic superiority. This global phenomenon that contradicts itself raises critical questions about the role of dance in reinforcing versus resisting authority. The result depends solely on the people and whether or not we understand the origins of these dances (which are mostly created for resistance) and their reframing by authoritarian regimes later on as a form of national identity expression. This is why it is crucial to educate ourselves about the historical context and origins of these dances and their significance. As a result, we can use dance as  a means for connection to community and a fight to freedom and equality, rather than right-wing nationalism. 

 

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